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Archive for April, 2014

WHITEFORD, ISABELLA (Rogerson), poet and philanthropist; born January 3, 1835 in Fair Head, County Antrim (Northern Ireland), daughter of Alexander Whiteford and Isabella Mathers; married 1879 James Johnstone Rogerson; they had no children; died February 2, 1905 in St John’s.

Isabella Whiteford’s was a long-established family of Fair Head, where her grandfather, also Alexander, had been among the first adherents of the Church of Ireland to open their doors to the celebrated Methodist evangelist Gideon Ouseley. In 1850 her parents emigrated to Newfoundland leaving two adult sons by an earlier marriage in Ulster; two sons of the second marriage and four daughters, Isabella being the second youngest, accompanied them to the colony. In St John’s her father was engaged “wholly to the work of the Methodist church” in a lay capacity as circuit steward and trustee. But what the surviving records testify to most vividly is “his warm, generous Celtic nature” and the enchantment of his hospitality, both in town and at his delightful country retreat, Dunluce. One aged memorialist especially recalled the presence of Isabella, the poet.

She had two predecessors as a published poet of Newfoundland: Henrietta Prescott, daughter of Governor Henry Prescott* and author of Poemswritten in Newfoundland (London, 1839), and Mrs M. S. Peace, who wrote The convict ship and other poems(Greenock, Scotland, 1850). Both were briefly resident in the island. Isabella Whiteford, already a writer of verse on her arrival at the age of 15, published her first volume, Poems (1860), in Belfast. It contains some 120 poems, mostly written in the colony and divided equally between Irish and Newfoundland scenes and subjects. They are Wordsworthian in diction and form, and they display a genuine, if not strong, talent, as in “Three scenes in every-day life”:

She was so simply beautiful
The village pastor’s child,
It seemed, where’r she turned her face,
Eternal summer smiled.

A later collection, The Victorian triumph and other poems (1898), was issued in Toronto and has an even stronger colouring of her adopted land. There are, as in her first volume, accomplished landscape pieces, childhood recollections, seasonal celebrations, exercises in the manner of her admired poets, renderings of biblical scenes, and lyrical pieces. But many of the poems deal with activities she shared with her husband, a lay church leader and philanthropist, for this is in part a communal volume reflecting with singular charm the busy round of the Church Woman’s Missionary Society, over which she presided, and the Methodist class she led weekly for many years. “A plea for a sailors’ home” (an institution actually realized), birthday pieces for friends, verses in memoriam, epithalamia, as well as compositions of private experience and reflection, and memories of Ireland, recalled in the colonial home her father had established half a century before, round out the collection.

The literary genre her work represents lies somewhat untidily between the high art of academic studies, the oral literature of the folklorist, and (occasionally) the popular verse of regional newspaper and magazine. Yet it commands some attention. In the Newfoundland of her adult years, these categories were blurred and uneven, and “Our Isabella,” as she was universally known, was a figure of note at a time which began to witness the emergence of a distinctive Newfoundland literary and intellectual culture.

…from the Dictionary of Canadian Biography

by   G. M. Story

[The preface to Isabella Whiteford Rogerson’s 1898 collection of poetry was prepared by Daniel Woodley Prowse*. Some of her poems also appear, together with traditional Newfoundland verse and ballads, in what seems to be a unique copy of an early songster, acquired by the author some years ago. The cover and title-page are missing from this well-thumbed volume, but it bears the running title Coronation songster, and was probably edited by James Murphy and published at St John’s around 1902. On the matter of levels of poetic effort, the author is indebted to Pauline Greenhill’s study, True poetrytraditional and popular verse in Ontario (Montreal, 1989).  g.m.s.]

      Lithistof Canada (Klinck et al.; 1976–90), 1: 85. Methodist Monthly Greeting (St John’s), September 1903; March 1905 [obit. by the Reverend James Dove, and obit. poem by Sir Robert Thorburn]. The Oxford companion to Canadian literature, ed. William Toye (Toronto, 1973), 549–50.

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RUNDLEROBERT TERRILL, Hudson Bay Company chaplain, Wesleyan Methodist missionary, and teacher; born June 11, 1811 in Mylor, England, third son of Robert Rundle and Grace Carvosso. Married Mary Wolverson at Parish Church, Cosely, Staffordshire, England, September 1854. and they had nine children.  He died February 4, 1896 in Garstang, England.

L-R: Martha Anne Rundle; Mrs. R. T. Rundle, nee Mary Wolverson; Rupert Rundle; Reverend R. T. Rundle; Mary Grace Rundle; Sarah Alice Rundle. | Reverend and Mrs. Rundle had nine children, only four reached maturity.

Influenced by his grandfather William Carvosso, a Methodist lay preacher, and his uncle the Reverend Benjamin Carvosso, Robert Terrill Rundle was already active in the affairs of the Wesleyan Methodist Church when he entered business school at Botreaux Castle, on the west coast of Cornwall, in 1837. Two years later he was called to the ministry and after only two months of training he was offered a posting as missionary for the Hudson’s Bay Company’s Saskatchewan district.

Rundle was one of four Methodists invited by the HBC to establish missions in their territories. George Simpson*, the HBC governor, had become convinced that both the Anglican and the Roman Catholic clergy in Rupert’s Land were beyond company control. He tried to limit their activity to the Red River colony (Manitoba) and placed the more pliable Methodist missionaries at strategic locations in the interior. Simpson’s friend Robert Alder, British secretary of the Wesleyan Methodist Missionary Society, who was responsible for British North America, had guaranteed that the Methodists would not interfere with HBC business. Ordained on 8 March 1840, Rundle left for North America eight days later with George Barnley, missionary for Moose Factory (Ont.), and William Mason [see Sophia Thomas] issionary for Rainy Lake. Arriving at New York, they travelled up the Hudson River to Montreal, and from there on to Norway House (Man.) by canoe, where they were joined in August by the superintendent of the Methodist mission to the HBC territories, James Evans.

Page from baptismal records of Reverend R. T. Rundle, Methodist missionary. [ca. April-June, 1841]

After spending several months at Norway House, Rundle arrived at Fort Edmonton (Edmonton), centre of the Saskatchewan country, on 18 October. He soon established a rigorous itinerary that he would maintain for much of the next seven years. The winter months were usually spent at Fort Edmonton, Lesser Slave Lake post, and Fort Assiniboine; in the spring, summer, and fall he made regular visits south to Rocky Mountain House (Alta), Pigeon Lake, Battle Lake, and Gull Lake, although he occasionally strayed as far as forts Carlton and Pitt (Sask.). He also went into Blackfoot country to Big Hill Springs (near Cochrane, Alta) in 1841 and the Highwood River in 1847. Only in 1844 and 1847 did he go into the Rocky Mountains, first to the area near the mountain that today bears his name and then to Lake Minnewanka.

During the early years of his mission Rundle was usually accompanied in his travels by a guide, or he travelled with HBC officers such as John Edward Harriott or John Rowand. As he grew more confident in the Cree language, he and his mixed-blood translator William Rowland travelled alone with Indian friends including Benjamin, son of Maskepetoon. In the severe cold of the Prairie winter he travelled, as his diary notes, by “dog cariole . . . warmly clad, sealskin cap tied under the chin, mocassins, pair of lambs-wool stockings, flannel shirt, woollen shirt, woollen drawers to foot, thick trousers lined, leggings & black silk gaiters, coat, waistcoat, pilot coat & shawl tied round the neck . . . buffalo robe & two blankets.” In summer he travelled on horseback and only infrequently boarded a canoe or the risky, uncomfortable bateaux used by the fur traders. In 1846, when travelling on horseback in the company of Paul Kane and Rowand, he also took along his cat.

Rundle appears to have been at ease with the Methodist dictum “Christianity first then civilization,” for he placed the meeting-camp above the establishment of mission stations or his duties as HBC chaplain. The HBC, however, pressed for an Indian mission school and agricultural station near Fort Edmonton. Although Rundle did begin to educate Rowand’s daughters at the fort, he never set up the proposed school. He considered various sites, including Battle Lake, Pigeon Lake, and a Bow River site towards the south, and formally sought both WMMS and HBC support for the school in 1846. In late 1847 Pigeon Lake was selected as the site, but it was Benjamin Sinclair, Rundle’s convert and a catechist from Norway House, who started work there.

Relations between Rundle and his associates were generally good. Such HBC officials as Chief Factor Rowand found him likeable, if somewhat inexperienced and indiscreet, spending too much time gossiping with the young clerks and mixed-bloods. With others, such as John Harriott, who generally arranged the large Indian camp meetings at Rocky Mountain House, he was the best of friends. Firm instructions from Governor Simpson to show Rundle every kindness and the fact that he was unmarried no doubt eased his integration into fur-trade society. He did, however, have some early difficulties with his mixed-blood guides and interpreters. Jimmy Jock [James Bird] barrassed Rundle in the spring of 1841 when, after calling a gathering of Blackfeet for the missionary, he refused to translate. Another interpreter, John Cunningham, deserted him in the field more than once. From November 1841 until the end of his mission, however, Rundle was able to count on the faithful services of William Rowland as translator, and from 1844 Benjamin joined the entourage on a permanent basis.

During his eight-year mission Rundle spent his fondest months in the area around Rocky Mountain House and Gull Lake, where he befriended many mixed-bloods, Cree, and Assiniboins. He had had an initial impact on the mixed-bloods of Lesser Slave Lake and forts Assiniboine and Edmonton in 1841, but because the majority were Métis of French Canadian extraction they were easily swayed from Methodism to Catholicism by Father Jean-Baptiste Thibault during his visits in 1842.

In July 1847 Rundle seriously injured his arm falling from his horse. The arm did not heal properly and in the autumn of 1848, without awaiting permission from either the WMMS or the HBC, he left for England to seek medical attention. He served on various circuits in England until his retirement in 1887, but he never returned to the northwest.

from Dictionary of Canadian Biography Online

by Frits Pannekoek

Robert Terrill Rundle’s journals have been published as The Rundle journals1840–1848, intro. G. M. Hutchinson, ed. H. A. Dempsey (Calgary, 1977).

Glenbow Arch., M1080–83. UWOL, Regional Coll., James Evans papers. Paul Kane, Wanderings of an artist among the Indians of North America from Canada to Vancouver’s Island and Oregon through the Hudson’s Bay Company’s territory and back again (London, 1859).WesleyanMethodist Magazine (London), 63 (1840)–79 (1856). W. H. Brooks, “Methodism in the Canadian west in the nineteenth century” ({{phd}}thesis, Univ. of Man., Winnipeg, 1972). Michael Owen, “Wesleyan Methodist missionaries in Rupert’s Land, 1840–1854: educational activities among the native population” ({{m.ed}}. thesis, Univ. of Alta., Edmonton, 1979). Frits Pannekoek, “Protestant agricultural missions in the Canadian west to 1870” ({{ma }}thesis, Univ. of Alta., 1970). M. B. Patterson, Messenger of the great spiritRobert Terrill Rundle (New York, 1947). J. H. Riddell, Methodism in the middle west (Toronto, 1946). Frits Pannekoek, “Protestant agricultural Zions for the western Indian,” Canadian Church Hist. Soc., Journal (Toronto), 14 (1972): 55–66.

Rundle travelled the Canadian prairies in 1841, preaching the gospel and converting First Nations people to Christianity. He visited Fort Carlton, Alberta, Fort Pitt, Alberta, and Edmonton, Alberta, several times.  …from the Glenbow Museum

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ROWELL, SARAH ALICE (Wright), was born on December 4, 1862 in London Township, Upper Canada, daughter of Joseph Rowell and Nancy Green. She married on June 26, 1884 Benjamin Gordon Hobson Wright in London South (London), Ont.ario, and they had four sons. She died on June 26, 1930 in London.

Sarah Rowell was strongly influenced in her youth by her father, a farmer from Cumberland, England, who was a Methodist lay preacher and temperance leader, and by her maternal grandmother, a keen and intelligent conversationalist who lived with them. Educated in the village school in Arva, Sarah (known to her family as Sazie) gained some early recognition as a painter and a writer of fiction. She settled in the city of London with her family about 1883, and in 1884 she married Gordon Wright, a native of London Township then in business in Columbus, Ohio. After moving there, she resolved to serve Christ and, accepting a call to mission, began working with black children. In 1886, however, economic hardship forced the Wrights back to London, where Gordon entered the millinery trade – he would eventually set up his own hat company – and they joined Queen’s Avenue Church and later First Church (Metropolitan). As Sarah again moved to act on her beliefs, she publicly displayed the strong personality noted by the biographer of her younger brother Newton Wesley, a lawyer and Methodist activist.

Wright focused her awe-inspiring energies and talents on three organizations with interrelated programs and many common members: the Lord’s Day Alliance (of which she was a vice-president), the Missionary Society of the Methodist Church of Canada, and the Woman’s Christian Temperance Union. As evidence of her ongoing commitment to mission work, she accepted the presidency of the London Conference branch of the Woman’s Missionary Society and for eight years was associate editor of the Methodist Missionary Society’s Missionary Outlook (Toronto), where her evangelicalism and anti-Catholic sentiments had free rein. Her involvement in the WCTU was even more sustained.

Beginning in 1894, she held the superintendency of the literature department of the London WCTU, which placed temperance materials in public areas such as barber-shops and otherwise arranged for their wide distribution. She also headed the anti-narcotics department, which engineered campaigns against tobacco, illicit substances such as opium, and the overuse of prescription drugs. As well, she worked on a variety of other projects, including the provision of non-alcoholic refreshments at fall fairs. In 1896 she accepted the presidency of the London union, one of the strongest locals in the Ontario WCTU. (The London union would later be named after her.) In this post she exemplified the dutiful, evangelical membership of the WCTU: at her inaugural meeting, on December 1,  1896, she “requested that the first act of this new regime should be one of prayer for Divine Guidance.” She continued to take an active role in devotional exercises at all levels of the WCTU and was a key figure in Methodist affairs in London. In 1906, after lectures there on new approaches to biblical criticism, which troubled many, she appealed to the Reverend Albert Carman for direction on this “perplexing question,” but her faith never wavered.

In 1895 her election as recording secretary for the Ontario WCTU had made her an essential executive member, responsible for its detailed annual reports. Between 1897 and 1905 she also took on the tasks of corresponding secretary, a position of great importance since the provincial body was heavily dependent on the mails to exert pressure on public officials. Her marked success in fund-raising throughout the last decade of the 19th century and well into the 20th is reflected in the WCTU journal, Canadian White Ribbon Tidings (London). Within the Dominion WCTU, she occupied the positions of vice-president from 1903 and president from 1905 until her death; in recognition of her service she was made a life member of the dominion organization (1903), an honorary life member (1909), and a memorial member (1930). In addition, she was a vice-president of the World’s League Against Alcoholism.

To replace the WCTU’s defunct periodical, the Woman’s Journal, Wright had begun the Canadian White Ribbon Tidings in 1904 with another WCTU stalwart, May Rowland Thornley of London. Although editorial control was contested by the Ontario and dominion levels, the journal flourished under Wright’s able direction as editor, proof-reader, and business manager. When she became president of the dominion body, she was unable to carry the added burden of producing the paper. Not surprisingly, it proved difficult to find a successor with her range of abilities. In 1906 Tidings formally became the journal of the Ontario body and in 1910, during Wright’s presidency, the Dominion WCTU launched Canada’s White Ribbon Bulletin (Ottawa) for the discussion of pan-Canadian issues. In the 1920s Wright would resume her association with Tidings as its editor-in-chief.

In all of these capacities, Wright, who excelled as a speaker, stood as an implacable foe of alcohol, tobacco, and domestic violence, one whose talks and writings were laced with feminist and sometimes nativist argument. Like many temperance reformers of her era, she believed the menace of alcohol to be so monumental that the combined forces of several organizations were needed to ensure triumph. Hence, she belonged to many groups and supported even more. A known suffragist, in 1905 she insisted, as a member of the Ontario WCTU, on the municipal enfranchisement of qualified women. She backed the newly formed National Equal Franchise Union in 1914, and spoke that year in Ottawa at the Social Service Congress, which, she concluded, confirmed the link between suffrage, temperance, and the emerging Social Gospel. In November 1926 she was the featured lecturer at a public meeting in Peterborough’s Grand Opera House sponsored by the Women’s Prohibition Committee; the local WCTU resolved to attend en masse in support of their president. In 1929 she was one of five women appointed to serve on an international advisory council of the World’s WCTU, of which she had been named a world memorial member the previous year. In addition to providing temperance leadership, she served as a vice-president of the National Council of Women of Canada and of the Social Service Council of Canada. During the Great War, in which at least one of her sons served overseas, she was first vice-president of the Western Ontario Red Cross, and in 1918 she participated in the Women’s War Conference in Ottawa, organized by her brother Newton as chair of the federal War Committee.

Her final years were filled with challenges and unrelenting activity. In 1927, while she was lecturing in British Columbia after the annual meeting of the Dominion WCTU, her husband, also a temperance advocate, died suddenly in London of a heart attack. It was at this meeting that she had lamented the introduction of the controlled sale of liquor in several provinces: “If ever we needed a prayer-hearing, covenant-keeping God, it is now, when our hopes for Canada are for the Present moment immersed in a sea of great and almost universal defeat.” Unswayed, in June 1930 she addressed numerous audiences during the electoral campaign in New Brunswick, where control had been adopted in 1927; on 24 June she still had the energy to speak to the WCTU branch in Ingersoll, Ontario. Two days later she was dead. She was buried from Knox United Church in London.

Sarah Wright had long been regarded by the press as “one of the brightest” of Canadian women. Indeed, she gives evidence of having had a keen intelligence, an exceptionally strong sense of duty, and marked abilities to work with like-minded reformers in many associated causes to good effect.

…from the Dictionary of Canadian Biography

by   Sharon Anne Cook

AO, F 885, MU 8394.1, 8396.11, 8404.9–12, 8440.6–7 (mfm.); Minute-books of selected Ontario Woman’s Christian Temperance Union locals (mfm.); RG 22-321, no.20234; RG 80-5-0-127, no.7316; RG 80-8-0-1068, no.21832. LAC, RG 31, C1, 1901, Westminster Township (London South), Ont., div.4: 13 (mfm. at AO). Univ. of Western Ont. Arch., J. J. Talman Regional Coll. (London), Minutes of the London Woman’s Christian Temperance Union, 1893–1906. London Free Press, 24–25, 28 June 1927; 27 June, 1 July 1930. Richard Allen, The social passion: religion and social reform in Canada, 1914–28 (Toronto, 1971; repr. 1990). C. L. Bacchi, Liberation deferred? The ideas of the English-Canadian suffragists, 1877–1918 (Toronto, 1983). Canadian annual rev., 1913: 432. Canadian men and women of the time (Morgan; 1912). S. A. Cook, “Through sunshine and shadow”: the Woman’s Christian Temperance Union, evangelicalism, and reform in Ontario, 1874–1930 (Montreal and Kingston, Ont., 1995). R. R. Gagan, A sensitive independence: Canadian Methodist women missionaries in Canada and the Orient, 1881–1925 (Montreal and Kingston, 1992). B. D. Merriman, The emigrant ancestors of a lieutenant governor of Ontario ([Toronto], 1993). Margaret Prang, N. W. Rowell, Ontario nationalist (Toronto and Buffalo, N.Y., 1975). Mariana Valverde, The age of light, soap, and water: moral reform in English Canada, 1885–1925 (Toronto, 1991). Woman’s Christian Temperance Union, 1878–1978, London centennial ([London, 1979?]; copy in Univ. of Western Ont. Arch., J. J. Talman Regional Coll.). Women of Canada (Montreal, 1930).

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McKINNON (M’Kinnon, MacKinnon), WILLIAM CHARLES, editor, author, and Methodist clergyman; born April 19, 1828 at Sydney, Nova Scotia, the son of John McKinnon and named for his grandfather, William McKinnon*, loyalist and provincial secretary of Cape Breton; married a Miss Crane, and they had two children; died March 26, 1862 at Shelburne, Nova Scotia.

By 1844, at age 16, William Charles McKinnon had written several poems. That year he published a long work, entitled The battle of the Nilea poemin four cantos, which a modern writer has described as “an exercise in youthful colonial patriotism.” He was also intensely interested in all branches of science, studying astronomy, navigation, and, particularly, geology, which became a lifelong interest. He began a work on ornithology, but it was unfinished at his death.

In 1846 he commenced publishing at Sydney what was then Cape Breton’s only newspaper, the Cape Breton Spectator (later renamed the Times and Cape Breton Spectator). When this paper ceased publication in 1850 McKinnon issued the Commercial Herald for a few months. His political interests were liberal and he was attracted to republican views to such an extent that friends were alienated and financial support was withdrawn from his newspaper enterprise. He went to Boston in 1851, where he wrote briefly for magazines. Ill health caused his return to Canada in 1852.

His writing continued throughout this period. In 1850 he had published StCastinea legend of Cape-Breton, and in 1851,Francesor Pirate Cove. His book StGeorgeorthe Canadian League, a tale published in 1852, was inspired by the “recent late rebellion” and was dedicated to Sir Edward Bulwer-Lytton “by his humble and ardent admirer.”

Shortly after the publication of StGeorge he was strongly attracted to the Methodist ministry, and undertook studies directed by Robert E. Crane on the Sydney circuit. He first preached at Bedeque, P.E.I., in 1853, then at Guysborough and Canso, Nova Scotia, in 1855, Bedeque again in 1856, and Middle Musquodoboit, Nova Scotia., in 1857. In 1857 he was ordained at Sackville, N.B., and became a minister at Shelburne, Nova Scotia, in 1861. There he died the following year at age 34.

McKinnon held strong views on many subjects. In addition to his early republicanism, which he later regretted, he waged fanatic pulpit and newspaper battles against Roman Catholics, Calvinists, and Baptists alike. In his more positive defence of the Methodist faith, he wrote clearly and effectively, and was a popular lecturer and newspaper correspondent.

…from

Minerva Tracy

W. C. McKinnon, The battle of the Nilea poeminfour cantos (Sydney, N.S., 1844); The divine sovereigntya sermon . . . (Halifax, 1861); Francesor Pirate Covea legend of Cape Breton ([Halifax], 1851); The papacythe sacrifice of the Mass . . . (Halifax, 1859); StCastinea legend of Cape-Breton ([Sydney, N.S.], 1850); StGeorgeorthe Canadian League (2v., Halifax, 1852). Wesleyan Methodist Church, Eastern British America Conference, Minutes (Halifax), 1862. Provincial Wesleyan (Halifax), 3 Feb., 10 March 1859; 21 March, 5 Sept. 1860; 2, 16 April, 18 June 1862. Cornish, Cyclopaedia of Methodism, I, 392. Wallace, Macmillan dictionary, 471. T. W. Smith, History of the Methodist Church within the territories embraced in the late conference of Eastern British America . . . (2v., Halifax, 1877–90), II, 198. D. C. Harvey, “Newspapers of Nova Scotia, 1840–1867,” CHR, XXVI (1945), 292.

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RINE, DAVID ISAAC KIRWIN (Kirwan), Methodist minister and temperance lecturer; born in 1835 in Pennsylvania; died July 1, 1882 in Detroit, Michigan.

David Isaac Kirwin Rine was educated in Pennsylvania and studied briefly at Madison College, Uniontown, Pa. He left to apprentice in the printing trade where he learned, as he said, “to imbibe the genial glass.” By 1865 he had become a Methodist minister in the Pittsburgh Conference and from 1868 to 1871 he served as minister of Second Methodist Church, Allegheny (now part of Pittsburgh). In 1871 Rine was implicated in ecclesiastical charges brought against the Reverend John H. Gray, of Christ Methodist Church in Pittsburgh, of scandalous and immoral conduct with a woman of “doubtful reputation.” Although two church investigations found Gray not guilty, both men withdrew from the conference following the widely publicized trial. During the next five years Rine was twice arrested for theft in connection with his alcoholism and on the second occasion he was sentenced to two years in prison. Following his release he started a “patent business” but squandered all his earnings on alcohol. Then, in December 1876, he was converted at a series of temperance meetings in Pittsburgh led by Francis Murphy, a reformed drunkard and founder of the Gospel Temperance Movement.

After 1846, with the passage of the first prohibitionist law in Maine, more and more of the temperance effort in North America had been diverted into political and educational activity in the hope of getting prohibitive legislation passed. By the 1870s temperance work in Canada reflected this preoccupation with prohibition. Murphy’s Gospel Temperance Movement, like other moral suasionist groups which preceded it and unlike prohibitionist organizations, directed its attention specifically at the individual, attempting to win the drunkard from alcohol through the emotional appeals of an evangelical Christian gospel. In Murphy’s view, formed from his own experience, no one was too degraded to be beyond hope. Resolutions of reform were made visible by pledge signing and ribbon wearing, and strengthened by public testimony. After a campaign clubs were formed to provide a form of continuing aftercare. Although the majority of pledge signers were not problem drinkers, the movement did have an amazing success in reaching hard drinkers, and even tavern keepers.

Shortly after his conversion, Rine joined the movement and was soon one of the leaders as it spread from Pittsburgh with the force of a revival. By March 1877 he claimed to have won 35,000 pledges in Erie County, Pa, alone. Rine was invited to St Catharines, Ontario, by concerned citizens and following a highly successful campaign there he was invited to Toronto in May 1877 by a committee headed by George MacLean Rose*. Apparently motivated by the desire to create his own movement in Canada, Rine accepted invitations with no guarantee of remuneration, quite unlike many of his contemporaries. His campaign in Toronto took on the proportions of Murphy’s in Pittsburgh, and over the next ten months he carried his message to all the major towns of Ontario, as well as to Montreal and Quebec City. On March 15, 1878, at the height of his success, Rine was arrested near Stratford, Ontario, on a charge of indecently assaulting a 15-year-old serving girl. He admitted to “a little playfulness” but vehemently denied the charge. Although it was reduced to common assault and Rine was acquitted by jury, his moral culpability and the adverse publicity destroyed his effectiveness as a temperance leader. In October 1878, following the death of his wife, Rine left Toronto and commenced three years of wandering. Late in 1881 he tried to recapture his success as a temperance lecturer, but was ignored even in Toronto. After ten weeks, during which he exhibited signs of mental instability, he moved on to Detroit. He was picked up there in January 1882, “a raving maniac . . . possessed of the delusion that he owned all Detroit.” He died six months later in the Wayne County Home for the Insane without having regained his sanity.

Rine had duplicated Murphy’s methods of appealing to the true drunkard who was in these years largely ignored by other temperance groups in the political struggles for prohibition. His success was due mainly to “his supreme disregard of all conventional and formal methods.” He couched his lectures in common language and spoke of his own struggles with which the most degraded could identify and which they could use as a source of hope.

…from the Dictionary of Canadian Biography

 by  A. J. Birrell

Daily British Whig, September 1877–May 1878. Evening Telegram (Toronto), May 1877–October 1878, October 1881–July 1882. Free Press(Ottawa), 20 Sept.–10 Oct. 1877, March–April 1878 Globe, May 1877–October 1878, October 1881–July 1882. Leader, May 1877–October 1878.Montreal Daily Witness, October 1877. Stratford Beacon (Stratford, Ont.), February–May 1878. Stratford Times (Stratford), February–May 1878. R. E. Spence, Prohibition in Canada; a memorial to Francis Stephens Spence (Toronto, 1919). A. J. Birrell, “D. I. K. Rine and the Gospel Temperance Movement in Canada,” CHR, 58 (1977): 23–42.

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HUSSEY, FLORENCE SARAH (Hall), temperance worker, suffragist, and feminist; born October 15, 1864 in Newland, Gloucestershire, England, daughter of John Hussey and Mary Anne Seward; married 1898 the Reverend William Lashley Hall (died 1947) in New Westminster, British Columbia; died October 20, 1917 in North Vancouver.

Nothing is known of Florence Hussey’s life before she married William Lashley Hall. The early years of her marriage were spent raising her two stepdaughters and helping her husband with his duties as a Methodist minister. She was evidently well educated; she was described in the Western Methodist Recorder as “a refined and cultured English lady, with a remarkable ability for platform work . . . she has occupied her husband’s pulpit with great acceptance on more than one occasion.” Hall was a deeply spiritual woman whose writing suggests a strong belief that a moral society could be created only by mixing active Christianity with politics and by acknowledging the absolute equality of the sexes.

Being married to a Methodist minister could not have been easy for Hall, who moved every few years to a new area of British Columbia. From 1906 to May 1910 she and her family lived in Fernie. While there, Hall acted as the Methodist Woman’s Missionary Society reporter for the province and published a series of columns in the Western Methodist Recorder on its work in British Columbia. Topics included missions to Japanese immigrants and the Crosby Girls’ Home in Port Simpson. As well, she worked with the British Columbia Woman’s Christian Temperance Union, serving on the executive and acting as superintendent of the evangelistic department from 1907 until her death. This position involved coordinating hospital, jail, and city missions throughout the province. She also established a local union in Fernie. In June 1908 Hall attended the annual convention of the British Columbia WCTU; she conducted prayer meetings, reported on the activities of her department, and recounted her trip to California, where she had attended the state WCTU convention.

In August 1908 the town of Fernie burned and Hall’s family lost, she said, “all but Christ.” She and her husband preached from a tent while they constructed a new Methodist church, which was completed early in 1910. That May the family was posted to the Mount Pleasant district of Vancouver. Hall carried on her work with the WCTU, speaking at conventions, participating in women’s missions, and holding religious services for prisoners. She also continued to help her husband with his ministry. She worked with children and adults in the church’s Sunday school and reported on the successes of her pupils, the “future militant victors of the Church of God,” in the Western Methodist Recorder. In the same journal in 1912 she published a two-part series on the ideal Christian woman and man.

At this time Hall began to promote women’s suffrage. At the WCTU’s annual convention in 1912 she offered a resolution in its favour. She was also involved with the British Columbia Political Equality League, an organization devoted to “the establishment of the Political, Social and Industrial Rights of Women and Men.” The league worked actively for women’s suffrage and waged a campaign to expose the “inefficiency” of some of the provincial laws affecting women and children. It also published a monthly magazine, the Champion, which featured articles, letters, and editorials on women’s suffrage, white slavery, temperance, and women’s legal status. Hall wrote for the Champion and acted as an organizer for mainland British Columbia from the coast to Kamloops. In November 1912 she travelled through her district establishing local leagues and circulating a petition demanding women’s suffrage, an activity she described as “peaceable orderly revolution.”

In June 1913 the family was assigned to Revelstoke, where Hall pursued her WCTU and suffrage work. In the Champion in September she published an article on “Suffrage and morals” in which she asked “if political freedom is a spiritual gift? If so, pray who is to bestow such a gift? Sinful men? How very funny!” Hall went on to state that the “women’s movement has been called into existence to teach the world the value of human life and human freedom,” issues that were fundamental to her view of herself and the place of women in Canadian society.

In 1914 Hall’s health began to fail but she continued to write for the Champion and, as well, started a column in the Western Methodist Recorder entitled “Suffrage sermonette.” A series of 11 columns followed in which she argued for the “equality of the sexes in all but physical strength.” Her central contention was that male usurpation of political power led to “the misery and sorrow of life” politically, economically, and judicially. Only by according women the same status as men could a moral and just society be built.

In June 1915 Hall and her family moved to North Vancouver. Despite chronic illness she served during the last year of her life as president of the local branches of the Woman’s Missionary Society and the Political Equality League; she also continued to publish her sermonettes and to attend and speak at the annual conventions of the WCTU. During World War I she increasingly focused on creating a moral society. She explained to WCTU members in 1916 that, even with the “pressing demands of the Red Cross and Relief Societies,” the membership should not lose sight of Canada’s spiritual needs. The “supreme importance of prayer in these testing, trying times” was again the focus of her 1917 report. Her final article written for the Western Methodist Recorder argued not only for political and legal equality for women but for spiritual equality. She called for women’s ordination into the ministry, maintaining that without religious equality, civic equality was meaningless.

Hall died of asthma and heart failure on October 10, 1917. In the five years before her death, she had become increasingly radical in her beliefs, moving far beyond the arguments of many of her colleagues whose demand for equality focused on woman’s role as mother and helpmate of men. Hall saw the war as the logical consequence of a society in which women’s voices were not heard. If women had had the vote, she declared, “this awful slaughter of precious life would never have blotted the twentieth century civilization.” For Hall, true equality of the sexes would lead to a new moral society based on divine rather than human law.

…from the Dictionary of Canadian Biography

by   Susan J. Johnston

BCARS, H/D/H14. Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, Geneal. Soc. (Salt Lake City, Utah), International geneal. index. City of Vancouver Arch., Add. {{mss }}54 (J. S. Matthews coll.), .01953; Add. {{mss}} 115 (C. C. Hodgson coll.). General Register Office (London), Reg. of births, Monmouth (Gloucester), 17 Nov. 1864. NA, RG 31, C1, 1901, New Westminster, B.C., sub-dist.C2: 1. UCC, British Columbia Conference Arch. (Vancouver), St Andrew’s Church (North Vancouver), RBMB. D. D. Taylor, “Never just a preacher,” British Columbian (New Westminster), 9 Jan. 1947. Champion (Victoria), August 1912–February 1914 (copies in BCARS, Northwest coll.). Western Methodist Recorder (Victoria), 1 (1899–1900)–17 (1917–18) (copies in UCC, British Columbia Conference Arch., Vancouver). Woman’s Christian Temperance Union of British Columbia,Report of the annual convention (Victoria; Vancouver), 1907–9, continued as its Yearbook and procof the annual convention (Vancouver), 1910–18; Silver anniversary of the provincial Woman’s Christian Temperance Union of British Columbia, 1883–1908 . . . (Victoria, 1908) (copies in BCARS, Northwest coll.).

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